首页> 外文期刊>Cahiers Agricultures >Production agricole et elevage dans le centre du bassin cotonnier de Cote d'Ivoire - Developpement economique, gestion des ressources naturelles et conflits entre acteursAgricultural production and livestock breeding in the centre of the cotton area
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Production agricole et elevage dans le centre du bassin cotonnier de Cote d'Ivoire - Developpement economique, gestion des ressources naturelles et conflits entre acteursAgricultural production and livestock breeding in the centre of the cotton area

机译:科特迪瓦棉花盆地中心的农业生产和畜牧业-经济发展,自然资源管理和参与者之间的冲突棉花地区中心的农业生产和畜牧业

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摘要

The central part of the cotton area in Cote d'Ivoire is still sparsely populated (20 habitants per km2), so that large little-used land and rangeland resources are remaining. However, agrarian situations are historically diverse in this vast region and they have changed quickly during the last 20 years due to the settlement of farmers and livestock breeders from Northern Gate d'Ivoire (i.e., the Senoufo region), Burkina Faso, and Mali. In spite of such readily available natural resources, more and more conflicts between farmers and herders are observed, land tenure tensions are appearing between migrant farmers (Senoufos) and natives (Koros, Tagbanas), and, above all, producers have but little consideration for the preservation and maintenance of renewable natural resources. The economic strategies and behaviours of rural players in this region are diverse: native landowners manage to get ground rent by letting their lands to migrant farmers for annual crops; the latter count on a rapid exploitation of these lands, using inputs and equipment provided by the cotton sector on the one hand, while they do not hesitate to move out to develop uncultivated areas, on the other hand; stock-breeders seek to enter into alliances with the local authorities and the administration in order to strengthen their position. The low cost of access to land and services (inputs and farm equipment supply, animal health) has allowed migrant farmers and transhumant herders to quickly develop their activities. The land conquest strategy of migrant farmers has been encouraged by native poptilations who consider the installation of these farmers as an efficient way to develop the local economy. The population increase, the maintenance of the tracks network by the cotton Company, the arrival of new capacities encourage the development of trade and services (forges and mechanic workshops, rice-husking units, mechanised transportation....). Nevertheless, the conflicts between farmers and herders are still there. This can he explained by the diversity of cattle-owners: Fulani herders as well as traditional chiefs, administration staff, urban traders, and well-off farmers. All of them want to develop their livestock without consultation and regulate access to rangelands and herd moves without investing in flock tending. Economic logic usually outweighs hazy objectives related to the management of space and natural resources. Regional or local space and natural resources management policies hardly emerge in that part of Code d'Ivoire, clue first to social causes (lack of common goals and projects, large flows of migrants), and second to the fact that the consultation framework is weak or missing at the local (village) or regional level ("pays rural", "sons-prefecture"). To help rural people define regulations to access and manage natural resources, one has to let them objectively figure out how their territories is to function. It requires land use maps (even simplified) and updated census data (people, cattle, crop areas). This type of action has to be carried out at village level but could be envisaged on larger territories in order to channel population and cattle flows as well as decide on the building of relevant infrastructures.
机译:科特迪瓦棉花地区的中部地区仍然人烟稀少(每平方公里20名居民),因此剩下大量未使用的土地和牧场资源。但是,在这个广阔的地区,农业状况在历史上是多种多样的,并且由于来自科特迪瓦北门(即塞努福地区),布基纳法索和马里的农民和牲畜饲养者的定居,过去20年来情况迅速改变。尽管有这样容易获得的自然资源,但观察到农民与牧民之间的冲突越来越多,移民农民(Senoufos)与当地人(Koros,Tagbanas)之间出现了土地保有权紧张,最重要的是,生产者很少考虑保存和维护可再生自然资源。该地区农村经营者的经济策略和行为是多种多样的:土著土地所有者通过将其土地出租给移徙农民以获取年度作物而设法获得地租。后者一方面依靠棉花部门提供的投入物和设备对这些土地进行快速开发,另一方面他们却毫不犹豫地迁往未耕地开发;畜牧业者寻求与地方当局和行政部门结盟,以加强其地位。获得土地和服务(投入物和农用设备的供应,动物健康)的低成本使农民工和超牧民迅速发展了自己的活动。土著居民鼓励了农民的征地策略,他们认为安置农民是发展当地经济的有效途径。人口增加,棉花公司维护了铁轨网络,新能力的到来鼓励了贸易和服务业的发展(锻造和机械车间,脱壳设备,机械化运输……)。尽管如此,农牧民之间的冲突仍然存在。他可以用牛主的多样性来解释:富拉尼牧民以及传统的酋长,行政人员,城市商人和小康农民。他们所有人都希望在没有协商的情况下发展牲畜,并在不投资养鸡的情况下限制进入牧场和牧群的通道。经济逻辑通常超过与空间和自然资源管理相关的模糊目标。在科特迪瓦的那部分几乎没有制定区域或地方空间和自然资源管理政策,首先是社会原因(缺乏共同目标和项目,移民大量涌入),其次是协商框架薄弱的事实或在地方(村庄)或地区一级(“农村地区付费”,“松子县”)缺失。为了帮助农村人民制定有关获取和管理自然资源的法规,必须让他们客观地了解其领土的运作方式。它需要土地使用图(甚至简化)和更新的人口普查数据(人,牛,作物面积)。这种行动必须在村庄一级进行,但可以设想在更大的领土上进行,以引导人口和牛群的流动,并决定建设相关的基础设施。

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