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Partisan ideology, veto players and their combined effect on productive and protective welfare policy: how the left still matters after all?

机译:党派的意识形态,否决权参与者及其对生产性和保护性福利政策的综合影响:左派到底还怎么重要?

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Quantitative analysis of the question whether parties still matter' has largely focused on the dynamics of aggregated expenditure-based dependent variables or protective welfare policies such as unemployment, sickness and family benefits. This article develops a series of pooled time-series cross-section regression specifications predicting changes in disaggregated protective welfare policies alongside productive welfare policies, namely family services, active labour market programmes and public education, across 17 Western democracies (1971-2010). In so doing, it employs the latest Comparative Manifesto Project [Volkens, A., P. Lehmann, N. Merz, S. Regel, and A. Werner. 2014. The Manifesto Data Collection. Manifesto Project (MRG/CMP/MARPOR). Version 2014b. Berlin: Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin fur Sozialforschung (WZB). Accessed January 2015. https://manifestoproject.wzb.eu/information/information] and Veto Player [Jahn, D., T. Behm, N. Dupont, and C. Oberst. 2012. Parties, Institutions & Preferences: Veto Player (Annual), Version 2012-02. Accessed January 2015. http://comparativepolitics.uni-greifswald.de/data.html] data to explore the effect of the ideological position of prime ministers' parties, veto players and their combined effect on these welfare policy areas. The article confirms that Left and Right governments ceased to make any substantive difference for protective welfare policies from the early 1980s onwards. Yet, it also finds that positive Left partisan effects have largely persisted for productive welfare policies. In the era of global competition, Left party ideology has continued to be an important factor in realising a social investment perspective in practice; in terms of the expansion of family services, its effects have been contingent on the veto power Left prime ministers faced.
机译:对当事方是否仍然重要的问题的定量分析主要集中在基于总支出的因变量或保护性福利政策(例如失业,疾病和家庭福利)的动态上。本文开发了一系列汇总的时间序列横截面回归规范,预测了横跨17个西方民主国家(1971-2010年)的分类保护性福利政策以及生产性福利政策(即家庭服务,积极的劳动力市场计划和公共教育)的变化。这样做时,它采用了最新的《比较宣言》项目[Volkens,A.,P. Lehmann,N. Merz,S. Regel和A. Werner。 2014。宣言数据收集。宣言项目(MRG / CMP / MARPOR)。 2014b版。柏林:Wissenschaftszentrum柏林毛皮Sozialforschung(WZB)。 2015年1月访问。https://manifestoproject.wzb.eu/information/information]和Veto Player [Jahn,D.,T.Behm,N.Dupont和C.Oberst。 2012。各方,机构和偏好:Veto Player(年度),版本2012-02。于2015年1月访问。http://comparativepolitics.uni-greifswald.de/data.html]数据,探讨了总理政党,否决权者的意识形态立场及其对这些福利政策领域的综合影响。该文章证实,从1980年代初开始,左右政府就不再对保护性福利政策做出任何实质性改变。但是,它也发现,生产性福利政策在很大程度上保持了积极的左派党派影响。在全球竞争时代,左派意识形态仍然是在实践中实现社会投资观点的重要因素。在扩大家庭服务方面,其影响取决于左首相面临的否决权。

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