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Origins of peasant socialism in China: the international relations of China’s modern revolution

机译:中国农民社会主义的起源:中国近代革命的国际关系

摘要

More than six decades after its occurrence, China’s ‘peasant revolution’ of 1949 remains an enigma. According to classical Marxism, peasants are passive ‘objects of history’ who must be transformed into industrial workers before they can become agents of revolutionary change. This line of argument is reinforced by much extant Sinology and historical sociology, both of which have treated Maoism either as a disguised continuation of peasant exploitation, or as a failed emulation of Stalinism. Contra these interpretations, this thesis argues that China’s peasant revolution was a real historical phenomenon which involved a previously unthinkable form of peasant political agency. To substantiate this argument, the thesis deploys Leon Trotsky's theory of Uneven and Combined Development (U&CD) which posits social development as a non-linear process constituted via multi-societal interaction. This reveals that the origins and specificities of the Chinese Revolution can best be understood with reference to a 'combined development' emerging from China's long-run and short-run interactions with variegated social forms.ududThe first chapter of the thesis shows how China’s ‘peasant revolution’ remains an insurmountable paradox for the relevant literature, expressed in a shared problem ofudanachronism. Chapter 2 introduces Uneven and Combined Development as a theory of inter-societal causation that might overcome the problem by virtue of its non-linearudconception of social development. Chapter 3 demonstrates how this inter-societal perspective is central to understanding the longue dureé ‘peculiarities’ of China’s development: the interaction of nomadic and sedentary societies made the Chinese peasants directly subject to a centralizing empire, configuring their political agency quite differently (and with quite different potentials) from that of their European feudal counterparts. Chapter 4 analyzes the specific intersection of the Chinese social formation with the universalizing dynamics of Western capitalism, an intersection which generated the context of China’s modern combined development. Chapter 5 then provides a conjunctural analysis of how the revolutionary agency of the peasant came to the fore in China’s revolution in terms of a pattern of combined development that substituted the peasantry for the weak bourgeoisie and nascent proletariat as the leading agency of a socialist modernization that fused anti-imperialist struggle and campaigns for rural restoration and national liberation into a single process aimed at overcoming China’s backwardness. Finally, Chapter 6 shows how this argument resolves the Sinological debate on whether modern Chinese history is ‘China-made’ or ‘West-made’; for it reveals how the interaction of China’s premodern social forms with Western modernity co-determined the peculiarites of China’s modern transformation. It also provides a critique of extant Marxist historical sociology, arguing that it is built upon a mode-of-production analysis that tends towards falsely unilinear, ‘internalist’ explanations.
机译:发生六十多年后,1949年的中国“农民革命”仍然是一个谜。根据古典马克思主义,农民是被动的“历史对象”,必须成为农民工才能成为革命变革的推动者。大量现存的汉学和历史社会学对此论点进行了强化,它们两者都将毛主义视为对农民剥削的变相延续,或者作为对斯大林主义的失败模仿。与这些解释相反,本文认为中国的农民革命是一种真实的历史现象,涉及到以前不可思议的农民政治代理形式。为了证实这一观点,本文采用了莱昂·托洛茨基的不均衡和联合发展理论,将社会发展假定为一个由多社会互动构成的非线性过程。这表明,中国革命的起源和特殊性可以最好地理解为中国从各种社会形式的长期和短期互动中出现的“联合发展”。 ud ud论文的第一章说明了如何中国的“农民革命”仍然是相关文献不可逾越的悖论,体现在过时主义的共同问题中。第2章介绍了不均衡和联合发展作为一种社会间因果关系的理论,该理论可以通过对社会发展的非线性理解来克服这个问题。第三章说明了这种社会间的观点对于理解中国发展的长寿特质是至关重要的:游牧社会和久坐不动的社会的相互作用使中国农民直接服从中央集权帝国,其政治机构的配置也大不相同(以及的潜力与欧洲封建同行的潜力截然不同)。第四章分析了中国社会形态与西方资本主义普遍化动力的特定交汇点,这一交汇点产生了中国现代联合发展的背景。然后,第五章对农民革命机构如何在中国革命中脱颖而出进行了合宪的分析,这种模式结合了发展模式,用农民代替了弱小的资产阶级和新生的无产阶级,成为社会主义现代化的主导机构。将反帝斗争和争取农村恢复和民族解放的运动融合在一起,以克服中国的落后状况。最后,第6章说明了该论点如何解决关于现代中国历史是“中国制造”还是“西方制造”的汉学辩论。因为它揭示了中国前现代社会形态与西方现代性的相互作用如何共同决定了中国现代转型的奇特之处。它也对现存的马克思主义历史社会学提出了批评,认为它是建立在一种生产模式分析之上的,这种分析倾向于错误地单线性的“内部主义”解释。

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    Liu Xin;

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  • 年度 2014
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