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Focus on the irrefutable. A closer look at the main clause of the Russian universal concessive conditional

机译:专注于无可辩驳的。仔细看看俄罗斯普遍优惠条件的主要条款

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摘要

The aim of this paper is to describe the main clause of a type of concessive construction usually referred to as a universal concessive conditional. The main clause of a Russian universal concessive conditional typically contains a strong or even irrefutable statement, which goes against the expectations of the hearer. In the literature it has been attested that the main clause of this construction typically contains contrastive markers, such as vse-taki ‘nevertheless’, and universal quantifiers (e.g. vsegda ‘always’, nikogda ‘never’). Our data show that these two markers are only found in a minority of cases. Since counter-expectation and contrast are the central elements of the construction, we may expect other operators that are related to the notion of polarity to be found in the main clause, such as aspectual markers (e.g. ešče ‘still’), modal operators (e.g. dolžen ‘must’), focus particles (e.g. tol’ko ‘only’), comparative quantifiers (e.g. bol’še ‘more’), or negation. We will describe the use of these elements based on a synchronic corpus study and account for their contribution to the meaning of the construction as a whole and to the pragmatic function of the universal concessive conditional construction.
机译:本文的目的是描述通常被称为普遍让步条件式的让步构造的主要条款。俄国普遍让步条件的主要条款通常包含有力甚至不可辩驳的陈述,这与听众的期望背道而驰。在文献中已经证明,这种结构的主要子句通常包含对比标记,例如vse-taki“尽管如此”和通用量词(例如vsegda“总是”,nikogda“从不”)。我们的数据表明,仅在少数情况下才发现这两个标记。由于反期望和对比度是结构的核心要素,我们可以期望在主要子句中找到与极性概念相关的其他运算符,例如方面标记(例如ešče'still'),模态运算符(例如dolžen“必须”),焦点粒子(例如tol'ko“仅”),比较量词(例如bol'še“更多”)或否定。我们将基于共时语料库研究来描述这些元素的用法,并说明它们对整个构造的含义以及对普遍让步条件构造的实用功能的贡献。

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  • 来源
    《Russian Linguistics》 |2013年第1期|61-69|共9页
  • 作者

    Karen Van de Cruys;

  • 作者单位

    Faculty of Arts K.U. Leuven">(1);

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  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
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