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Why Arrow's theorem matters for political theory even if preference cycles never occur

机译:为什么Arrow的定理即使从未发生过偏好循环也是政治理论

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摘要

Riker (Liberalism against populism, Waveland, New York, 1982) famously argued that Arrow's impossibility theorem undermined the logical foundations of "populism", the view that in a democracy, laws and policies ought to express "the will of the people". In response, his critics have questioned the use of Arrow's theorem on the grounds that not all configurations of preferences are likely to occur in practice; the critics allege, in particular, that majority preference cycles, whose possibility the theorem exploits, rarely happen. In this essay, I argue that the critics' rejoinder to Riker misses the mark even if its factual claim about preferences is correct: Arrow's theorem and related results threaten the populist's principle of democratic legitimacy even if majority preference cycles never occur. In this particular context, the assumption of an unrestricted domain is justified irrespective of the preferences citizens are likely to have.
机译:RIKER(自由主义反对民粹主义,Wavelands,纽约,1982)着名的,arrow的不可能定理摧毁了“民粹主义”的逻辑基础,认为,在民主,法律和政策应该表达“人民的意志”。作为回应,他的批评者质疑在实践中没有所有偏好配置的地面使用箭头定理;特别是批评者尤其偏好周期,其可能是定理漏洞的可能性。在这篇文章中,我认为,即使对偏好的事实索赔是正确的:箭头的定理和相关结果即使大多数偏好循环从未发生过多的偏好周期,arrow定理和相关结果也会威胁到民主合法性的原则,即使它的事实索赔,也争辩起来。在这种特殊的背景下,无论偏好公民可能拥有,无限制的域的假设是合理的。

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