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Lexington The end of the embarrassment

机译:列克星敦的尴尬结束

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A PPALLI NG AS IT has been to witness an American president try to steal an election, Donald Trump's efforts have amounted to less than the best-informed prognosticators feared. Back in June a bipartisan group of over 100 political operatives and scholars, gathered by the Election Integrity Project, war-gamed the aftermath of four scenarios: an unclear result, a narrow win for Joe Bi-den, a clear victory for Mr Trump and the same for Mr Biden. Only in the last simulation was America spared authoritarianism by Mr Trump, a constitutional crisis and street battles. Mr Biden's actual winning margin was at the outer edge of a "clear victory". And the president's response to it has been even wilder than the war-gamers envisaged. (They did not imagine, in such an event, that he would try to coerce Republican state legislators to overthrow the results.) Yet none of the other features of the Trump coups they envisioned has materialised. Attorney-General Bill Barr has gone to ground. High-powered conservative lawyers have taken a pass on the president's bogus fraud claims.
机译:一个PPALLI NG,因为它一直是见证美国总统试图窃取选举,唐纳德特朗普的努力达到了令人担忧的最新的预测者。返回6月份一家二十六个政治手术和学者,由选举诚信项目收集,战争落后的四场情景:效果不明确,乔碧议会队的狭隘胜利,胜利胜利拜登先生也是如此。只有在最后一次模拟中,美国福特特朗普先生授权是宪法危机和街头战斗的威权主义。拜登议员的实际获胜范围是“明确胜利”的外缘。总统对其的反应甚至比设想的战争游戏玩家更致命。 (他们没有想象,在这样的活动中,他会试图迫使共和国国家立法者推翻结果。)但他们设想的特朗普政变的其他特征都没有实现。律师委员会普通委员会已经走到了地面。高级保守律师已通过总统的义伙伴欺诈索赔。

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    《The economist》 |2020年第9222期|34-34|共1页
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