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Strengthening the Legitimacy of Representative Democracy: Public Participation, Bipartisan Floor Bills and Plenary Deliberations in the Japanese Diet

机译:加强代议制民主的合法性:日本国会的公众参与,两党基本法案和全体会议审议

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It is argued that parliamentary legislation in Japan has become the almost exclusive playing field of the bureaucracy, who acts on behalf of the executive, and party councils. Moreover bureaucrats bypass the legislative Diet process by making rules themselves. This is problematic because it is the lawmakers who are directly held accountable by voters for the enacted legislation risking to be eventually voted out of office. It is suggested that under the given circumstances of strict party discipline, drafting of bills by the bureaucracy and endorsement by party councils, the formal majority rule alone is not sufficient to justify legislative outcomes. The legitimacy factor is introduced to verify in how far individual lawmakers are enabled to initiate and draft floor bills by themselves, discuss bill contents in plenary deliberations and get the public opinion involved. The article attempts to demonstrate that bipartisan floor bills reflect the quest for parliamentary legitimacy and equality among lawmakers across party boundaries. It is suggested that the more legislators participate in drafting and discussing a bill the more legitimate the outcome becomes. The paper screens to this effect several bipartisan bills submitted to the Diet of Japan. Bills such as the NPO law, the law to ratify the Rome Statute for the accession to the ICC, the law to prevent suicide and the law to implement internet filters to protect children are the result of cooperation among lawmakers trying to constrain the interference of the executive or of the powerful bureaucracy. The participation of non-parliamentary agents taking an active part in the legislative process has enhanced the dynamics of representative democracy as well. In the decades of radical ideological confrontation in the 1950s, 60s, and 70s the majority rule risked to become an instrument of coercion. The opposition was compelled to resort to anti-parliamentary obstructionist tactics to derail majority legislation that was rammed through parliament without sufficient plenary deliberation and without taking into account the concerns or viewpoints of the minority. Obstructionism decreased with the LDP co-optation of opposition parties to government responsibility in the 1990s. Opposition for the sake of opposition (communists, DPJ until 2006) and governing for the sake of governing (SDPJ, Komei) have not been honored by the voters. After 2007 the DPJ started to refocus its policies more on ideological differentiation and managed to beat the LDP in the 2009 elections. Recently the work of the Diet has been increasingly put under the scrutiny of international NGOs and legislatures abroad. The unresolved controversial comfort women issue suggests that omission to pass appropriate and timely reconciliatory legislation can cause a serious loss of parliamentary institutional esteem and respect.
机译:有人认为,日本的议会立法已成为代表行政机关和党代会行事的官僚机构几乎独占的领域。此外,官僚们自己制定规则,绕过了国会的立法程序。这是有问题的,因为是立法者直接由选民对已颁布的立法负有责任,最终有可能被选出。建议在严格的党纪纪律,官僚机构起草法案以及得到党委批准的给定情况下,仅靠正式多数制就不足以为立法结果辩护。引入合法性因素是为了验证各个立法者在多大程度上能够自行发起和起草最低限度的法案,在全体会议的讨论中讨论法案的内容,并使公众舆论参与其中。这篇文章试图证明两党最低限度法案反映了跨党派立法者对议会合法性和平等性的追求。建议立法者参与法案的起草和讨论越多,其结果就越合理。为此,该文件筛选了提交给日本国会的几份两党法案。诸如非营利组织法,批准加入国际刑事法院的罗马规约的法律,防止自杀的法律以及实施互联网过滤器以保护儿童的法律之类的法案,是立法者之间合作的结果,这些立法者试图限制儿童的干预。行政或强大的官僚机构。非议会代理人积极参与立法进程也增强了代议制民主的动力。在1950年代,60年代和70年代激进的意识形态对抗的几十年中,多数统治者冒着成为胁迫手段的危险。反对派被迫诉诸于反对议会的阻挠主义手段,破坏了在议会中受到猛烈抨击的多数立法,而没有充分的全体会议审议,也没有考虑到少数派的关注或观点。自民党在1990年代选择反对党加入政府责任,阻碍主义减少了。为了反对派而反对(共产党,直到2006年才是民主党),而为了执政而反对(SDPJ,公明)则没有得到选民的尊重。自2007年以来,日本民主党开始将其政策更多地集中在意识形态差异上,并在2009年大选中击败了自民党。最近,国会的工作越来越受到国际非政府组织和国外立法机构的审查。尚未解决的有争议的慰安妇问题表明,疏忽通过适当,及时的和解立法可能会严重丧失议会机构的尊重和尊重。

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