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The logic of basic education provision and public goods preferences in Chinese fiscal federalism

机译:中国财政联邦主义中基础教育拨款和公共产品偏好的逻辑

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Without election or re-election motivations, what factors have impacted public goods preferences in an authoritarian country such as China? More specifically, what makes political elites be devoted to or not be devoted to local public goods provision? This study, using basic education provision as an example, intends to gauge the impact of leadership selection on public goods provision in China. It is found that career trajectories of politicians have a bearing on basic education provision. The findings suggest that even under a top-down appointment system, homegrown politicians are more willing to cater to local preferences, especially on basic education provision, which suggests an extension of Riker’s theory, applied in a non-democratic regime. Numerous studies have examined the impacts of decentralization on a variety of aspects of public governance in different contexts. Nevertheless, the unique contribution of this study is its policy implication that political centralization may not be an effective solution for local public governance even in an authoritarian context.
机译:没有选举或重选动机,哪些因素影响了在中国等专制国家的公共产品偏好?更具体地说,使政治精英致力于或不致力于当地公共物品提供的内容是什么?本研究以基础教育提供规定为例,打算衡量领导选择对中国公共物品的影响。有人发现,政治家的职业轨迹对基础教育提供的措施。调查结果表明,即使在一个自上而下的任命制度下,本土政治家也更愿意迎合当地的偏好,特别是在基础教育条款上,这表明riker的理论延长,适用于非民主制度。众多研究探讨了权力下放对不同背景下的公共治理各个方面的影响。尽管如此,这项研究的独特贡献是其政策意义,即即使在授权背景下,政治集中化也可能不是当地公共治理的有效解决方案。

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