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THE STIGMA OF WHITE PRIVILEGE

机译:白色优先权的提法

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Beginning in the 1970s, the efforts of the Australian settler state to help its Indigenous minority shifted away from ‘assimilation’ and embraced the principles of ‘self-determination’. According to the rhetoric of the self-determination era - explored in this article as the ‘liberal fantasy space’ - Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians should be in control of efforts to improve their lives, ultimately making state intervention redundant. A by-product of this shift was to radically change the role of non-Indigenous people who sought to participate in Indigenous development. No longer in charge of Indigenous advancement, they were now cast as partners and supporters.This article explores some of the complexities of White anti-racist subjectivities in the self-determination era. It draws on ethnographic research with a group of progressive Whites who work in Indigenous health in northern Australia. A striking feature of contemporary White anti-racist discourse is a reluctance to claim any agency in the process of Indigenous improvement. I argue that applying the concept of stigma to White privilege is a novel and productive approach to understanding this desire for self-effacement. White stigma works in a parallel fashion to the case of liberal Germans who believe the German collective identity is irrevocably tainted by the Holocaust. In the Australian case, the negative characteristics associated with Whiteness act as a barrier to the broader goal of constructing ethical White subjectivities fit for the ‘liberal fantasy space’ of post-colonial justice. In their attempts to overcome this barrier and transcend White stigma, White anti-racists mobilise the identity tropes of missionary, mother, and child. Ultimately, these efforts at self-fashioning point to the ultimate fantasy of decolonisation: the desire of White anti-racists to disappear.View full textDownload full textKeywordsWhite, anti-racist, Australia, post-colonial, stigma, IndigenousRelated var addthis_config = { ui_cobrand: "Taylor & Francis Online", services_compact: "citeulike,netvibes,twitter,technorati,delicious,linkedin,facebook,stumbleupon,digg,google,more", pubid: "ra-4dff56cd6bb1830b" }; Add to shortlist Link Permalink http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09502386.2010.491159
机译:从1970年代开始,澳大利亚定居者国家帮助其土著少数群体的努力已从“同化”转向,并接受了“自决”原则。根据自决时代的言论-在本文中被称为“自由幻想空间”-原住民和托雷斯海峡岛民澳大利亚人应该控制改善生活的努力,最终使国家干预变得多余。这种转变的副产品是从根本上改变寻求参与土著人发展的非土著人的作用。现在,他们不再负责土著人的进步,而是被当作伙伴和支持者。本文探讨了自决时代白人反种族主观的复杂性。它利用人种学研究与一群在澳大利亚北部土著健康领域工作的进步白人一起进行。当代白人反种族主义话语的一个显着特征是不愿意在土著改善过程中要求任何代理。我认为,将污名的概念应用于白人特权是一种理解这种自卑欲望的新颖而富有成效的方法。白色的污名与自由派德国人的情况相似,后者认为德国的集体身份受到大屠杀的不可挽回的污染。在澳大利亚的案例中,与怀特性相关的负面特征阻碍了构建更道德的怀特伦理主观性目标的障碍,该目标符合后殖民司法的“自由幻想空间”。为了克服这一障碍并超越白人的污名,白人反种族主义者动员了传教士,母亲和儿童的认同取向。最终,这些自我塑造的努力表明了非殖民化的最终幻想:白人反种族主义者消失的愿望。查看全文下载全文关键词白人,反种族主义者,澳大利亚,后殖民主义,污名化,土著相关var addthis_config = {ui_cobrand :“ Taylor&Francis Online”,services_compact:“ citeulike,netvibes,twitter,technorati,delicious,linkedin,facebook,stumbleupon,digg,google,more”,pubid:“ ra-4dff56cd6bb1830b”};添加到候选列表链接永久链接http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09502386.2010.491159

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  • 来源
    《Cultural Studies》 |2011年第3期|p.313-333|共21页
  • 作者

    Emma Kowal;

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