明治宪法标榜天皇主权与职能性分权，同时以议会代表“国家公义”，这从根本上为“超然主义”提供了可能。“超然主义”实为近代日本政治之底流，它并未随藩阀政治的结束而消失。在藩阀政治受挫后，伊藤博文、桂太郎等通过政党实现的只能是相对“超然主义”，而且，他们的期待最终被政党所“出卖”。经过大正民主运动，“超然主义”作为政治潜流持续存在，并与政党一样获得发展，当“宪政常道”下的政党政治被民众质疑和抛弃时，新官僚力倡普选，以民众广泛参政强化天皇权威，同时否定政党组阁的正当性，“超然主义”卷土重来，并显得比明治时代更为“成熟”，成功“逆袭”政党政治，它看似基于民意，实则相反，政府超然于民众与议会之外，这也为法西斯独裁专制打下了基础。%The Meiji Constitution advertised a separation of the Emperor’s sovereignty and its functionality, and convened the parliament in demonstration of the so-called“public justice”, which essentially rendered possible the“aloof-ism”which was at the bottom layer of the contemporary Japanese politics and did not end with the expiration of the sectarian politics (Hanbatsu Seiji).After the“aloof-ism”met its frustration, politicians such as Hirofumi Ito and Taro Katsura only managed to achieve, via political parties, a moderate or tentative“aloof-ism”which was“sold out”by political parties eventually. After the Taisho Democracy movement,“aloof-ism”continued to exist as a political undercurrent and obtained some growth together with political parties. When the party politics under“constitutional political conventions”was questioned and abandoned by the public, neo-bureaucrats advocated general election to fortify the authority of Emperor through broad popular political participation and to deny cabinet by political parties of its legitimacy, it was then the“aloof-ism”made a comeback, showed its evolved“maturity”from the Meiji era, and successfully“counter-punched”the party politics.“Aloof-ism”seemed to be founded on the popular will but in fact was not so. The government“transcending”the public and the parliament actually laid a foundation for the fascist autocracy.
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