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Partisan Polarization, Social Identity, and Deliberative Democracy in the United States

机译:美国的党派两极分化,社会认同和协商民主

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摘要

As of late, political theory, research, and practice have taken a deliberative turn, extolling the benefits of public discourse guided by norms such as inclusion, respect, and open-mindedness. Can these ideals, though, be approximated in the current era of partisan polarization? If so, what factors contribute to high quality, productive discourse?;These are the questions this project addresses, assessing how partisanship and polarization impact the public's propensity to adopt the key deliberative attitude of reciprocity (or mutual respect) towards political argumentation. Drawing on social identity theory, the project conceptualizes partisan attachment as containing interrelated, yet separate ideological and social identity dimensions. Through a series of survey experiments, it then shows that partisan social identity attachment---in other words, the extent to which one views being a Democrat or a Republican as an important part of "who one is"---weakens one commitment to reciprocity in a variety of ways. Partisans with strong social identity attachments are more likely to heed party cues, as opposed to argumentative substance, in considering whether to afford reciprocity towards political disagreement. Partisans with strong social identity attachments are also less likely to support displays of reciprocity by an inparty political representative. The same effects, however, are not present for partisans with strong ideological commitments to their party. Moreover, the effects are not weaker for partisans who have regular social contact with outparty members.;Recent research shows that the partisan public has increasingly polarized not based on ideology or issue positions, but based on growing negative outparty affect and cross-party social distance. The research here thus shows that mass "social" polarization is creating a fundamental barrier to productive cross-party discourse, one that will need to be addressed if we want to establish a more deliberative democracy.
机译:直到最近,政治理论,研究和实践都经过了深思熟虑的转变,以包容,尊重和开放思想等准则为指导,赞扬了公共话语的好处。但是,在当前党派分化的时代,这些理想可以近似吗?如果是这样,那么哪些因素有助于高质量的生产性话语?;这些是该项目要解决的问题,评估党派关系和两极分化如何影响公众对政治论证采取互惠(或相互尊重)关键协商态度的倾向。该项目利用社会认同理论,将党派依恋概念化,包含相互关联但又相互独立的意识形态和社会认同维度。通过一系列的调查实验,它表明游击党的社会认同依存度(换句话说,人们认为民主党或共和党人是“谁是”的重要组成部分的程度)削弱了一项承诺。以多种方式互惠互利。在考虑是否为政治分歧提供互惠时,具有强烈社会认同感的党派更有可能听从政党的暗示,而不是辩论的实质。具有强烈社会认同感的党派人士也不太可能支持党内政治代表的互惠互惠。但是,对党有强烈意识形态承诺的游击党人却没有同样的效果。此外,对于与党外成员有定期社会联系的党派人士,其影响并不弱。;最近的研究表明,党派公众已经越来越多地分化,而不是基于意识形态或议题立场,而是基于日益增长的负面党外影响和跨党派的社会距离。因此,这里的研究表明,大规模的“社会”两极分化正在为生产性跨党派话语造成根本障碍,如果我们想建立一个更深思熟虑的民主制度,就必须解决这一障碍。

著录项

  • 作者

    Strickler, Ryan.;

  • 作者单位

    University of South Carolina.;

  • 授予单位 University of South Carolina.;
  • 学科 Political science.;Psychology.;Philosophy.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2017
  • 页码 225 p.
  • 总页数 225
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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