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Having it all? Explaining women's work pathways.

机译:拥有了吗?解释妇女的工作途径。

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Prevailing paradigms generally frame women's workforce participation in two contrasting ways: professional women may "choose" whether or not to pursue a career, while working-class and minority women "need" to work at a paid job. These arguments suggest that husbands' earnings allow middle-class women to choose whether or not to participate in the workforce, while working class women are forced by financial pressures to work for pay. Yet national trends in women's workforce participation do not support these claims about choice and need. Data from the 2005 U.S. Census show that highly educated women are most likely to work. Furthermore, claims that financial needs drive women's workforce participation imply that not working is the preference of most women (and particularly working class women). These paradigms create pervasive stereotypes in which middle class women's work is understood to be voluntary (and self-indulgent) and working class women's work is necessary (and unrewarding).;To unravel this puzzle and develop a broader theoretical framework, I conducted in-depth qualitative interviews with a randomly selected sample of 80 women. Moving beyond this frame, I seek to explain the complex and varied paths that women pursue as social forces reshape their work-family options across classes, by asking: How and why do women form ties to the workforce, what is the nature of these ties, and what are their consequences? The women were diverse in their class backgrounds, their race and ethnicity, and in their approaches to motherhood, the workforce, and their family lives. To ensure this diversity and to gather as representative a group of women as possible, I randomly selected the participants from the NYC Voter Registration database lists of women aged 30-40. All but one had spent some time in the workforce. As a group, they all had had the opportunity to experience many of life's pivotal stages and had made critical decisions that led them along on diverse life trajectories.;Most women used a language of "family need" to account for their work decisions---a shared framework that actually allowed them to remake gendered expectations of care giving to fit divergent work paths. By using a frame that stressed obligations to their families rather than the fulfillment of their own needs or desires, both employed and non-employed women affirmed cultural expectations about selfless motherhood. Although the women traversed divergent work pathways, cultural constraints obliged them to explain their labor market participation in terms of their families' needs rather than their own.;I find, however, that "need" and "choice" masked the importance of other factors that shaped women's workforce participation, such as the degree of job satisfaction, support at home, and identification with paid employment. The personal rewards of work were not reaped nor sought solely by the middle class nor were the familial rewards of work reaped and sought solely by the working class. Instead, women from all classes and ethnicities evaluated their work-family experiences through their early work orientations, which developed from their class background, family forms and education experiences. Women's work-family experiences then either confirmed or disconfirmed these early orientations. These experiences led women to follow three different pathways: to work steadily, to pull back from the workforce, or to follow an interrupted pathway. Women from all classes weighed the cost and benefits of working versus not working, and they used a similar metric to do so. Yet social and financial resources proved more important to remaining at paid work than to leaving it.;In conclusion, it is the nature of women's workforce ties that is key to understanding the work-family axis in women's lives. By tracing women's formation of workforce ties throughout their adult lives, I provide a better framework for understanding the way women participate in paid work, how they enter, how they leave (and then re-enter the workforce), and what the consequences of these actions are.
机译:普遍存在的范式通常以两种截然不同的方式来构成女性劳动力的参与:职业女性可以“选择”是否从事职业,而工人阶级和少数族裔女性则“需要”从事有偿工作。这些论点表明,丈夫的收入使中产阶级妇女可以选择是否参加工作,而工人阶级妇女则受到经济压力迫使他们从事有偿工作。然而,女性劳动力参与的国家趋势并不支持这些关于选择和需求的主张。 2005年美国人口普查的数据显示,受过良好教育的女性最有可能工作。此外,声称经济上的需求推动了女性劳动力的参与,这意味着大多数女性(特别是工人阶级女性)更倾向于不工作。这些范式形成了普遍的刻板印象,在这种刻板印象中,中产阶级妇女的工作被认为是自愿的(并且是自我放纵的),而工人阶级妇女的工作则是必须的(并且没有报酬)。为了解开这个难题并建立更广泛的理论框架,我进行了随机选择80名女性进行深度定性访谈。在此框架之外,我试图通过以下问题来解释女性在社会力量重塑她们在各个阶层中的工作家庭选择时所走的复杂而多样的道路:妇女如何以及为什么与劳动力形成联系,这些联系的本质是什么? ,其后果是什么?这些妇女的阶级背景,种族和种族,以及她们的母亲,劳动力和家庭生活方式各异。为了确保这种多样性并尽可能地代表一组女性,我从NYC选民登记数据库列表中随机选择了30至40岁女性作为参与者。除了一个人,其他人都花了一段时间。作为一个小组,她们所有人都有机会经历人生的许多关键阶段,并做出了决定性的决定,使她们沿着不同的人生轨迹前进。大多数妇女使用“家庭需要”的语言来解释她们的工作决定- -一个共享的框架,实际上使他们能够重新调整性别期望,以适应不同的工作路径。通过使用强调家庭义务而不是满足自己的需要或愿望的框架,无论有工作和无业的妇女都确认了对无私母亲的文化期望。尽管妇女跨越了不同的工作途径,但由于文化原因,她们不得不根据家庭的需要而不是家庭的需要来解释自己参与劳动力市场的情况。但是,我发现,“需要”和“选择”掩盖了其他因素的重要性。影响女性劳动力参与程度的因素,例如工作满意度,在家中的支持以及对有薪工作的认同。工作的个人报酬不是中产阶级的收获或追求,也不是工人阶级的收获和工作的家族奖励。取而代之的是,来自各个阶层和种族的妇女都通过其早期的工作取向来评估她们的工作家庭经历,这些取向是根据其阶级背景,家庭形式和教育经历发展而来的。然后,妇女的工作家庭经历证实或否认了这些早期取向。这些经历使妇女走上了三种不同的道路:稳定工作,从劳动力中撤出或走断路。各个阶层的妇女都在权衡工作和不工作之间的成本和收益,她们采用了类似的衡量标准。然而,事实证明,社会和财政资源对于保持有薪工作比离开工作更为重要。总之,女性劳动力纽带的本质是理解女性生活中的工作家庭轴心的关键。通过追踪妇女在成年后整个家庭中与劳资关系的形成,我提供了一个更好的框架来理解妇女参与有薪工作的方式,她们如何进入,她们如何离开(然后重新进入职工队伍)以及这些后果的后果。行动是。

著录项

  • 作者

    Damaske, Sarah.;

  • 作者单位

    New York University.;

  • 授予单位 New York University.;
  • 学科 Womens Studies.;Sociology General.;Sociology Individual and Family Studies.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2009
  • 页码 349 p.
  • 总页数 349
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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