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Religion is not the answer: How to turn restlessness into meaningful change - the Egyptian conundrum.

机译:宗教不是答案:如何将躁动变成有意义的改变-埃及的难题。

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摘要

The situation in Egypt and elsewhere in parts of the Arab world is to some extent reminiscent of the situation that prevailed before 1914 in Europe, where a motley array of unharnessed popular micronationalisms (today, instrumentalized religious fervor) combined with big power politics and interests and led to the cataclysm of war. With regard to Egypt, there is also a huge generational gap, with 2/3 of Egypt's population below the age of 35 years. The so-called "solutions" of the past, whether religious or secular, will no longer work if the voice of the young people is not heard by their elders.;In a first chapter, I intend to look at the origins of the current restlessness, which, is fed from a collection of wellsprings, including a wide sense of humiliation in Egypt and the Arab world, and thwarted or unsuccessful emulation of Western societies in part due to ongoing resentment of its alleged "arrogance" seen as aimed at imposing its values on the Arab world.;In a second chapter, I would like to understand why "Islam is the solution". The majesty of the religion and its feelings can be overwhelming and give sense to lives otherwise unfulfilled and dreary. However, genuine "democratization" through religion seems to me a dangerous fallacy, playing out on a daily basis. Like in World War I-type situations, the older leaders are tempted to use for their own ends the "excessive enthusiasm" of the faithful, financed by the oil wealth of patrons from the Gulf States to push for unanimity and strength of the Umma, though misguided means. These developments have led to stalemate, with the forces of Islamism pitted against those of a (secular) security apparatus, both of them looking resolutely backwards.;In a third chapter, I would like to explore possibilities on the way forward. What is at stake is how to turn conservative societies like Egypt into models of the rule of law.;In the conclusion, I would like to make a few prognostications as to whether the above is grounded on a realistic appraisal of the situation on the ground.
机译:埃及和阿拉伯世界其他地区的局势在某种程度上使人联想到1914年以前在欧洲盛行的局势,那里杂乱无章的流行的微观民族主义(今天是工具化的宗教狂热)与大国政治和利益相结合。导致了战争的灾难。关于埃及,世代之间也存在巨大鸿沟,埃及三分之二的人口年龄在35岁以下。如果年轻人的声音没有被老年人听见,过去的所谓“解决方案”,无论是宗教的还是世俗的,都将不再起作用。在第一章中,我打算看一下当前的起源。躁动,源于一系列的源泉,包括埃及和阿拉伯世界的广泛屈辱感,以及对西方社会的挫败或不成功的模仿,部分原因是人们对其所谓的“傲慢”的持续性怨恨不断在第二章中,我想理解为什么“伊斯兰是解决方案”。宗教的威严及其情感可以压倒一切,使原本未实现和沉闷的生活有意义。但是,在我看来,通过宗教进行真正的“民主化”似乎是一种危险的谬论,每天都在发生。就像在第一次世界大战期间那样,年长的领导人也倾向于将信徒的“过度热情”用于自己的目的,这些信徒是由海湾国家赞助人的石油财富提供资金,以推动乌玛的团结和力量,虽然被误导了。这些事态发展导致僵局,伊斯兰力量与(世俗)安全机构的力量相抵触,他们都坚决向后看。在第三章中,我想探讨前进道路上的可能性。关键在于如何将像埃及这样的保守社会转变为法治模式。总之,我想对上述内容是否基于对当地局势的现实评估做出一些预言。 。

著录项

  • 作者

    Seckler, Alain C.;

  • 作者单位

    City University of New York.;

  • 授予单位 City University of New York.;
  • 学科 Political Science General.;History Middle Eastern.;Middle Eastern Studies.
  • 学位 M.A.
  • 年度 2014
  • 页码 96 p.
  • 总页数 96
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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