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AMERICAN MILITARY BASES IN THE PHILIPPINES, BASE NEGOTIATIONS, AND PHILIPPINE-AMERICAN RELATIONS: PAST, PRESENT, AND FUTURE.

机译:菲律宾的军事基地,基地谈判和菲律宾与美国的关系:过去,现在和未来。

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摘要

Philippine-American relations have been directly affected by the presence of the U.S. military bases, particularly during the period since the Philippines gained its independence in 1946. The negotiations concerning the retention of the bases frequently have increased the tensions between the two countries as issues such as criminal jurisdiction continually are discussed but not resolved. The Philippine desire to exercise sovereignty over the bases conflicts with the American insistence that operational control remain with U.S. military authorities.;As the United States prepares for the next series of base negotiations which are to begin in 1984, two questions should be answered. The first involves the contributions which the bases make to U.S. political and military objectives. How important are the bases to the accomplishment of these objectives? The second question is dependent upon the answer to the first. If the bases do contribute to these objectives, are there other basing arrangements which could be made in Asia involving less political risk for the United States than continuing to support the Marcos regime as a quid pro quo for the retention of the bases in the Philippines?;Air Force and Navy records were the primary source documents used for both the historical and contemporary periods, especially concerning the negotiations. The Air Force kept meticulous files on the negotiations between 1971 and 1979, and the files of the legal offices at both Clark and Subic were made available which provided insights into the complexities of the criminal jurisdiction problem. Many interviews were conducted with American and Filipino military and civilian authorities. Most of these individuals were either directly involved with the negotiations or the implementation of the agreements reached. They provided valuable information on the previous negotiations and also the problems which remain to be resolved.;The primary conclusion reached is that the United States should significantly reduce its military presence in the Philippines while expanding that presence at other locations in Asia. The facilities presently available in Singapore, Guam, Japan, and Australia should be expanded through negotiations with the countries or territories involved. The Philippine military bases would revert to Philippine control, but the United States would still have access to them in situations mutually agreed upon by the two countries. The advantages of this proposal are twofold. With the removal of the bases as contentious issues between the countries, more normal bilateral relations can be established.;When the containment strategy was extended to Asia after the Korean war and the Viet Minh victory over the French in 1954, the military bases, especially Clark Air Base and Subic Bay Naval Base, became more important within the strategic context because of their contribution to the accomplishment of this strategy. In the post-Vietnam era, American foreign policy in Asia has been criticized by many individuals in the United States and abroad for lacking resolve in complying with treaty commitments. For many political and military leaders, the retention of the military bases in the Philippines became even more important as a signal to friends and adversaries that the United States intended to remain an Asian power.;The second advantage involves American political and military objectives in Asia. By diversifying its military presence, the pursuit of these objectives will not be affected by the political instability existing in the Philippines. Even as martial law is rescinded, it is clear that President Marcos intends to retain control over the political system. The military bases, as symbols of American support for the current regime, raise serious questions concerning their retention by successive governments.
机译:菲美关系直接受到美军基地存在的影响,特别是自菲律宾于1946年获得独立以来的时期。有关保留基地的谈判经常加剧了两国之间的紧张关系,诸如此类问题刑事管辖权不断被讨论,但尚未解决。菲律宾希望对基地行使主权,这与美国坚持要求军事控制权仍归美国军事当局保持一致;随着美国为下一次于1984年开始的基础谈判做准备,应回答两个问题。首先涉及基地对美国政治和军事目标的贡献。实现这些目标的基础有多重要?第二个问题取决于第一个问题的答案。如果基地确实为实现这些目标做出了贡献,那么在亚洲,还有其他基础措施可以为美国带来更少的政治风险,而不是继续支持马科斯政权作为保留菲律宾基地的交换条件?空军和海军记录是历史和现代时期特别是有关谈判的主要原始文件。空军对1971年至1979年的谈判进行了精心的归档,并提供了克拉克和苏比克两地法律办公室的文件,这些文件提供了对刑事管辖权问题复杂性的见解。对美国和菲律宾的军事和民政当局进行了许多采访。这些人大多数要么直接参与谈判,要么直接执行已达成的协议。他们提供了有关先前谈判以及尚待解决的问题的宝贵信息。得出的主要结论是,美国应大大减少其在菲律宾的军事存在,同时扩大在亚洲其他地区的存在。目前在新加坡,关岛,日本和澳大利亚可用的设施应通过与有关国家或地区的谈判加以扩展。菲律宾的军事基地将恢复为菲律宾的控制,但在两国共同商定的情况下,美国仍然可以进入菲律宾。该提议的优点是双重的。随着两国间争议性基地的撤除,可以建立更正常的双边关系。1954年朝鲜战争和越共战胜法国后,将遏制战略扩展到亚洲时,军事基地尤其是军事基地克拉克空军基地和苏比克湾海军基地在战略背景下变得更加重要,因为它们为实现这一战略做出了贡献。在后越南时代,美国在亚洲的外交政策受到美国和国外许多人的批评,因为他们缺乏遵守条约承诺的决心。对于许多政治和军事领导人而言,保留菲律宾的军事基地变得更加重要,这是向朋友和对手发出的信号,即美国打算保持亚洲大国的地位。第二个优势涉及美国在亚洲的政治和军事目标。通过使其军事力量多样化,这些目标的实现不会受到菲律宾现有政治动荡的影响。即使取消了戒严令,很明显,马科斯总统仍打算保留对政治制度的控制权。作为美国支持现政权的象征的军事基地,对历届政府的保留提出了严重的问题。

著录项

  • 作者

    BERRY, WILLIAM EMERSON, JR.;

  • 作者单位

    Cornell University.;

  • 授予单位 Cornell University.;
  • 学科 International law.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 1981
  • 页码 539 p.
  • 总页数 539
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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