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THE ABSOLUTIST REIGN OF SUNG HSIAO-TSUNG (R. 1163-1189) (CHINA).

机译:宋孝宗(R. 1163-1189)(中国)的绝对统治者。

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摘要

Under pressure from within and without, the heirless Kao-tsung, in his early 20's, adopted Hsiao-tsung and Prince Hsin as contending candidates for the throne. Hsiao-tsung's filial piety made him the winner, but it also subordinated him as emperor to Kao-tsung's supreme emperorship. His independence was compromised and his aspirations dampened. However, the father and the son were similar in their preoccupation with enlarging imperial power.;Most of the time, Hsiao-tsung seems to have regarded his officials as being peevish, impractical, and cliquish. Consequently, he strove to exercise administrative power himself, reducing his state councilors to the mere role of executive assistants. His shadow loomed large over military affairs, over fiscal management, over personnel appointments at nearly all levels, and over policy towards the Chin. He seldom accepted counsel or changed decisions even in the face of strong opposition.;His favoritism toward his personal attendants sparked confrontations with the opinion officials, whose duty it was to speak out against such a misplacement of imperial trust and delegation of power. Promoted to less contentious positions, demoted, or even dismissed, the opinion officials soon lapsed into a kind of censorial reticence.;Aware of the prevailing institutional impotence vis-a-vis imperial power, Chin Hsi tried a moralistic approach. Chu strongly advocated self-cultivation and ethocracy, the ideals of the Ch'eng school of Neo-Confucianism he espoused. However, while the emperor adroitly resisted his guidance, Chu's uncompromising thought and behavior alienated him from the conventional scholar-officials. By virtue of a wily policy of accommodation, Hsiao-tsung minimized the effects of the struggle occurring between Chu Hsi and his opponents. However, as scholar-officials who were willing to compromise their Confucian values prevailed at the expense of idealistic Confucians, the government sank deeper into the mire of bureaucraticism.
机译:在来自内外的压力下,年迈的继承人高宗在20年代初选择了小宗和辛亲作为王位的候选人。孝宗的孝顺使他成为了胜利者,但这也使他成为了高宗的最高皇帝。他的独立性受到损害,他的愿望减弱了。然而,父亲和儿子对扩大帝国权力的关注却相似。大多数时候,小松似乎都认为他的官员是卑鄙的,不切实际的和挑剔的。因此,他努力自己行使行政权力,将州议员减为仅行政助理。他的影子笼罩在军事,财政管理,几乎所有级别的人员任命以及对钦的政策上。即使面对强烈的反对,他也很少接受律师或改变决定。他对个人服务员的偏爱激起了舆论官员的对峙,舆论官员的职责是大声疾呼反对帝国主义信任和权力下放。民意官员被提升为较少争议的职位,被降职甚至被解雇后,很快陷入了一种审查沉默寡言的状态。鉴于习近平相对于皇权的制度上无能为力,秦熙尝试了一种道德主义的方法。朱基大力提倡修养和民族主义,这是他所拥护的新儒学派的理想。然而,虽然皇帝坚决抵制他的指导,但朱的不妥协的思想和行为使他与传统的学者官员疏远了。由于采取了明智的住宿政策,小松将朱H和他的对手之间发生的斗争的影响降到了最低。但是,由于愿意妥协儒家价值观的士大夫以理想主义的儒家为代价而盛行,政府沉入了官僚主义的泥潭。

著录项

  • 作者

    LAU, NAP-YIN.;

  • 作者单位

    Princeton University.;

  • 授予单位 Princeton University.;
  • 学科 History Asia Australia and Oceania.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 1986
  • 页码 254 p.
  • 总页数 254
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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