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'Free from hunger and the whip': Exploring the political development of George Orwell.

机译:“摆脱饥饿和鞭wh”:探索乔治·奥威尔的政治发展。

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摘要

The aim of this study is to dispel some of the confusion surrounding the development and character of George Orwell's politics. Past scholars have argued variously that his democratic Socialism was ill-conceived, or that he wavered in his belief in Socialism towards the end of his life. Yet commentary on Orwell has suffered from the tendency to address only a part of his opus, and many of his lesser-known political writings have been ignored. Since no exhaustive attempt has been made to retrace the gradual formation of his political ideas, this study commences with a complete review of his political development from his early youth. From 1936, the year of his journey to Civil War Spain and of his public emergence as a Socialist, it becomes possible to commence an interpretation of his politics. The study draws not just upon Orwell's major writings but upon his lesser-known political pieces and previously overlooked correspondence, and follows chronologically the progression of his political ideas.;After his Spanish experience, Orwell held that political power had to be seized and maintained by the working-class if any genuinely democratic Socialist revolution were to succeed. For the first time in history, he argued, totalitarianism had emerged, seducing many Western intellectuals with its ideology of power as an end in itself. To counter this threat to human freedom and equality, Orwell called for a moral transformation in Left-wing politics. This he considered could be achieved through a new appreciation of the 'crystal spirit', or common decency, of the working-class. In Animal Farm, he addresses not just the aftermath of the Russian revolution but the fate of revolutions in general, while in Nineteen Eighty-Four he examines the psychological dimensions of totalitarianism pushed to their logical extreme. Neither work spells the end of hope for a democratic Socialist society.;Orwell's analysis of totalitarianism remains vitally relevant in the 1990's since political repression, whatever its ideological colour, has not disappeared. His lasting insistence on the compatibility of freedom and equality in society continues to challenge the pragmatic cynicism with which politics are all too often examined and practised today.
机译:这项研究的目的是消除乔治·奥威尔政治发展和特征方面的一些困惑。过去的学者曾不同地争论过他的民主社会主义思想不正确,或者他对社会主义的信仰在他生命的尽头都动摇了。然而,对奥威尔的评论只倾向于解决他的部分作品,而他的许多鲜为人知的政治著作都被忽略了。由于尚未进行详尽的尝试来追溯他的政治思想的逐渐形成,因此本研究首先全面回顾了他早年的政治发展。从1936年,即他前往西班牙内战的旅程以及他作为社会主义者公开出现的那一年起,就有可能开始对他的政治进行解释。这项研究不仅借鉴了奥威尔的主要著作,还借鉴了他鲜为人知的政治作品和先前被忽视的书信,并按时间顺序追随了他的政治思想的发展。;在他经历西班牙之后,奥威尔认为政治权力必须被占领和维护。工人阶级,如果有什么真正民主的社会主义革命要成功的话。他认为,极权主义是历史上第一次出现,以权力意识形态本身为目的来诱惑许多西方知识分子。为了应对这种对人类自由和平等的威胁,奥威尔呼吁左翼政治进行道德转型。他认为,这可以通过对工人阶级的“水晶精神”或共同体面的重新认识来实现。在《动物农场》中,他不仅谈到了俄国革命的后果,而且还谈到了革命的命运,而在《十九四十八》中,他研究了极权主义推向逻辑极限的心理层面。这两件作品都没有为民主社会主义社会带来希望。他对自由与平等在社会中的相容性的持久坚持,继续挑战实用主义的犬儒主义,而如今,人们常常对这种犬儒主义进行政治研究和实践。

著录项

  • 作者

    Letemendia, Veronica Clare.;

  • 作者单位

    University of Toronto (Canada).;

  • 授予单位 University of Toronto (Canada).;
  • 学科 Biography.;Political Science General.;Literature English.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 1992
  • 页码 422 p.
  • 总页数 422
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 传记;政治理论;
  • 关键词

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