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Greening international trade: Environmental issues in United States-Mexico relations.

机译:绿色国际贸易:美墨关系中的环境问题。

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摘要

Although programmatic institutions typically resist the inclusion of new and unrelated policy issues, in the 1990s two international trade institutions, GATT and NAFTA, brought environmental provisions onto their agendas. They did so because domestic political pressures (whether state or non-state actors) threatened the operation and, at times, the existence of the trade institutions. This study explains how issues identified as problems by domestic issue entrepreneurs reach the international level. The ability of domestic actors to influence the global trade agenda is conditioned by the international power of their country, the degree of bureaucratic insulation allowed by state institutions, their ability to form both cohesive alliances with other interest groups at home and abroad, and policy networks with domestic bureaucracies.;In the NAFTA and GATT negotiations, state actors first adopted a "diverting strategy," attempting to deal with the issue through a parallel track, so that trade negotiators could address the domestic political concerns of U.S. environmental NGOs outside these trade institutions. However, because of the NGOs' high level of ideological commitment, organizational resources and, mainly, access to U.S. elected officials and political institutions this strategy failed to silence opposition to these trade agreements. Institutionalized arrangements (national elections, authorization to negotiate international agreements and domestic ratification of international negotiations) made it impossible for state actors to dismiss domestic issue entreprenueur's demands. Accordingly, domestic state actors adopted a "pre-emptive strategy," a defensive political response which formally included the environmental issue in the trade agenda, but which also redefined it to guarantee the new issue's consistency with the institutions' original mission and principles.
机译:尽管纲领性机构通常拒绝纳入新的和无关的政策问题,但在1990年代,关贸总协定和北美自由贸易协定这两个国际贸易机构将环境规定列入其议程。之所以这样做,是因为国内的政治压力(无论是国家行为者还是非国家行为者)都威胁到该行动,有时甚至威胁着贸易机构的存在。这项研究解释了国内问题企业家认为是问题的问题如何达到国际水平。国内行为者影响全球贸易议程的能力取决于其国家的国际力量,国家机构允许的官僚隔离程度,与国内外其他利益集团结成凝聚联盟的能力以及政策网络。在北美自由贸易协定和关贸总协定的谈判中,国家行为者首先采用了“转移战略”,试图通过平行的方式解决这一问题,以便贸易谈判者可以解决这些贸易之外的美国环境非政府组织的国内政治关切。机构。但是,由于非政府组织的高度意识形态承诺,组织资源以及主要是与美国民选官员和政治机构的接触,该策略未能使对这些贸易协定的反对沉默。制度化的安排(全国选举,批准国际协议的谈判以及国内对国际谈判的批准)使国家行为者无法驳回国内问题企业家的要求。因此,国内国家行为者采取了“先发制人的战略”,这是一种防御性的政治应对措施,正式将环境问题纳入贸易议程,但也对其进行了重新定义,以确保新问题与机构最初的使命和原则保持一致。

著录项

  • 作者单位

    Yale University.;

  • 授予单位 Yale University.;
  • 学科 Political Science General.;Environmental Sciences.;Political Science International Law and Relations.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 1998
  • 页码 362 p.
  • 总页数 362
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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