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After labourism: The neoliberal turn by labor parties and the response by trade unions.

机译:劳动之后:工党的新自由主义转变和工会的回应。

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摘要

Explanations for the embrace of pro-market policies by social democratic parties over the last thirty years have pointed to various factors, most commonly the globalization of production and finance, the shrinking of the blue-collar working class, and the rise of socalled postmaterialist politics. The dominant theme in the literature is the transformation of these parties under the pressure of the global capitalist economy, which forces social democratic governments to implement benefit cuts, deregulate markets, and commercialize and privatize the public sector. Such accounts are insufficient because they do not take three important factors into account. The first factor is the change in the class composition of the leadership and individual membership of social democratic parties, even in labor parties with trade union affiliations (New Zealand, Britain, Australia). These parties are increasingly dominated by the salariat---a stratum of intermediate executives and technicians, professionals and engineers, all of whom enjoy a high degree of economic security, job autonomy, and education. The second factor is the diminishing of the influence of the unions within the very parties that are supposed to be their political representatives. The third factor is the lack of a strategy by the unions to ensure that the party leadership must listen to them and take their interests into account when formulating policies. This may be due to a longstanding lack of interest by the unions in engaging in politics (New Zealand) or a passivity by the unions which resulted from many years of anti-union Conservative rule (Britain). In the case of Australia under Labor Party governance (1983-1996) the unions were sufficiently united, disciplined and strategically minded to ensure that a Labor Party government would integrate them into the making of policy. The evidence suggests that the centralized organization of union federations makes the union movement appear as a credible force to labor party leaderships, and that to be able to moderate how quickly and how drastically labor party governments can enact neoliberal policies the unions must be politically active within their historic parties and offer a coherent economic program years before the parties take office.
机译:在过去的三十年中,社会民主党对亲市场政策的接受的解释指出了各种因素,最常见的是生产和金融的全球化,蓝领工人阶级的萎缩以及所谓的后物质主义政治的兴起。 。文学中的主要主题是在全球资本主义经济的压力下这些政党的转型,这迫使社会民主政府实施削减福利,放松市场管制以及公共部门商业化和私有化。这样的账目是不够的,因为它们没有考虑三个重要因素。第一个因素是社会民主党的领导和个人成员的阶级组成发生了变化,甚至在有工会隶属的工党中也发生了变化(新西兰,英国,澳大利亚)。这些政党越来越多地受到薪金的支配。中间薪水是中层管理人员和技术人员,专业人员和工程师的阶层,他们所有人都享有很高的经济安全性,工作自主性和教育程度。第二个因素是,在原本应该是其政治代表的政党内部,工会的影响力正在减弱。第三个因素是工会缺乏确保党领导必须听取他们的意见并在制定政策时考虑他们利益的战略。这可能是由于工会长期以来对政治不感兴趣(新西兰),或者是由于多年的反工会保守统治(英国)导致工会消极。以澳大利亚在工党执政时期(1983-1996年)为例,工会具有足够的团结性,纪律性和战略头脑,以确保工党政府将其纳入政策制定过程中。有证据表明,工会联合会的集中组织使工会运动成为工党领导者的一支可靠力量,而且要能够缓和工党政府能够以多快和多大的力度制定新自由主义政策,工会必须在其内部积极参与政治活动他们历史悠久的政党,并在政党上任前数年提供连贯的经济计划。

著录项

  • 作者

    Schulman, Jason.;

  • 作者单位

    City University of New York.;

  • 授予单位 City University of New York.;
  • 学科 Political Science General.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2009
  • 页码 243 p.
  • 总页数 243
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 政治理论;
  • 关键词

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