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A prosodic theory of prominence and rhythm.

机译:韵律韵律的韵律理论

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摘要

Building on earlier work, notably Kager (1993, 1995) and framed in Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993), this thesis presents a theory of foot structure in which the asymmetric maximal expansions of iambic and trochaic feet (cf. the Iambic/Trochaic Law: 1TL, e.g. Hayes 1995) are accounted for by a single constraint, HEAD GOVERNMENT (Mellander 2001c, 2002b). The present analysis devotes special attention to a class of quantitative processes in trochaic systems which generate uneven (H&barbelow;L) trochaic feet. In contrast to previous analyses (e.g. Hayes 1995), such processes are shown to be of phonological rather than phonetic nature in certain languages, and the ramifications of this conclusion are explored with regard to a variety of issues in prosodic theory.;The evidence for the phonological status of (H&barbelow;L)-creating processes comes from published data on Mohawk, Selayarese, Gidabal, and Oromo, as well as original field data from Central Slovak. Following Piggott (1998, 2001) and Mellander (2001a, c, 2002b), these processes are seen to follow from H EAD PROMINENCE, a constraint which requires greater relative intrinsic prominence in the head of a prosodic constituent. Since HEAD PROMINENCE is sensitive to intrinsic prominence, its effects are shown to hold irrespective of derived prominence resulting from the application of stress rules. H EAD PROMINENCE is also shown to play a central role in accounting for diphthongal quantity-prominence relations, where cross-linguistic patterns of long vowel diphthongization in bimoraic syllables mirror those of (H&barbelow;L)-creating processes in disyllabic feet.;In contrast to previous work on HEAD GOVERNMENT (Mellander 2001c, 2002b), the absence of languages which require violations of this constraint implies that it is universally undominated, contra the standard Optimality Theoretic assumption of universal constraint violability. This view is also supported by the analysis of ternary stress systems, where the absence of unattested quaternary and quinternary systems relies crucially on the inviolability of HEAD G OVERNMENT.;A final aspect of this thesis is the development of a preliminary model to explain asymmetries in structure and markedness between iambic and trochaic systems, including distributional asymmetries, Iambic Lengthening, and the ITL. Based on work by Van de Vijver (1998) this approach abandons traditional symmetric notions of iambicity and trochaicity in favour of an asymmetric pair of constraints---PEAK-FIRST and *E DGEMOST. Iambic/trochaic asymmetries consequently emerge as artefacts of constraint interaction and require no additional theoretical machinery.
机译:在早期工作的基础上,尤其是Kager(1993,1995)并以最优性理论为框架(Prince&Smolensky 1993),本论文提出了一种脚结构理论,在该结构中,不确定脚和顺风脚的不对称最大扩张量(参见Iambic / Trochaic)法律:1TL(例如Hayes 1995)由一个单独的约束负责,即HEAD GOVERNMENT(Mellander 2001c,2002b)。本分析特别关注可产生不均匀(H&barbelow; L)trochaic foot的trochaic系统中的一类定量过程。与以前的分析相反(例如Hayes 1995),某些语言显示出这种过程具有语音性质,而不是语音性质,并且针对韵律理论中的各种问题探讨了这一结论的后果。 (H&barbelow; L)创建过程的语音状态来自有关Mohawk,Selayarese,Gidabal和Oromo的已公开数据,以及来自Central Central的原始现场数据。继Piggott(1998,2001)和Mellander(2001a,c,2002b)之后,这些过程被视为遵循H EAD PROMINENCE,这是一个要求在韵律成分的头部具有更大的相对内在突出性的约束。由于HEAD PROMINENCE对内在突出敏感,因此显示出其效果保持不变,而与应用压力规则而导致的突出突出无关。还显示了H EAD PROMINENCE在说明二重音数量-突出关系中起着中心作用,其中双摩音节中长元音二音的双语言化的跨语言模式与双音节脚的(H&barbelow; L)创造过程的模式相似。相对于先前关于HEAD GOVERNMENT的工作(Mellander 2001c,2002b),缺少要求违反此约束的语言意味着它是通用的,与通用约束可违反性的标准最优性理论假设相反。三元应力系统的分析也支持了这种观点,其中没有未经验证的四元和五元体系的存在严重依赖于HEAD G OVERNMENT的不可侵犯性。本论文的最后一个方面是建立一个解释不对称性的初步模型。 Iambic和trochaic系统之间的结构和标记,包括分布不对称,Iambic延长和ITL。根据Van de Vijver(1998)的工作,此方法放弃了传统的对称性和混乱性的对称概念,而是采用一对不对称约束-PEAK-FIRST和* E DGEMOST。因此,不确定性/ Trochaic不对称性作为约束相互作用的产物出现,不需要其他理论机制。

著录项

  • 作者

    Mellander, Evan W.;

  • 作者单位

    McGill University (Canada).;

  • 授予单位 McGill University (Canada).;
  • 学科 Language Linguistics.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2003
  • 页码 233 p.
  • 总页数 233
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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