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Archipelago politics: A critically-informed hermeneutic approach to Northern Ireland's Belfast Agreement.

机译:群岛政治:对北爱尔兰的《贝尔法斯特协定》采用批判性的诠释学方法。

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摘要

Drawing on the work of Hans-Georg Gadamer and Jürgen Habermas, I defend Northern Ireland's Belfast Agreement from the perspective of a critically-informed hermeneutics. This approach focuses upon the interpretive dimensions of political disputes, as well as clarifying how to distinguish legitimate and illegitimate interpretations. This approach is similar to the political philosophy of Michael Walzer, although Walzer's early work is not sensitive to the problems of deeply divided societies like Northern Ireland. Political developments on the British-Irish archipelago of islands have led the Northern Irish nationalists and the Ulster unionists to form different senses of national identity. Hence, they offer different answers to the question of whether Northern Ireland should remain part of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland or become part of the Republic of Ireland. The Northern Irish nationalists feel aggrieved due to their involuntary exclusion from an emerging Irish nation-state in the early twentieth century. The Ulster unionists can be divided into cultural unionists and liberal unionists, but both groups feel threatened by the prospect of being forced into a united Ireland. The Belfast Agreement of 1998 is an impressive archipelago-wide response to this set of grievances and insecurities. I focus upon the agreement's consociational and transnational aspects. It does not accommodate illegitimate accounts, but it does accommodate different nationalist and unionist interpretations of what it means to reside on the island of Ireland, different applications of the principle of national self-determination, and different aspirations concerning the future constitutional status of Northern Ireland. Depending upon the future efforts of Ulster unionists and Northern Irish nationalists, Northern Ireland may remain part of the British nation-state forever, or it may become part of the Irish nation-state. However, in either case, transnational institutions have been established that informally dilute the national sovereignty of both nation-states as a means of protecting the Ulster unionists and the Northern Irish nationalists.
机译:我借鉴汉斯·乔治·加达默尔(Jansgen Habermas)和尤尔根·哈贝马斯(JürgenHabermas)的著作,从批判性的诠释学角度为北爱尔兰的《贝尔法斯特协定》辩护。这种方法侧重于政治争端的解释范围,并阐明如何区分合法和非法的解释。这种方法与迈克尔·沃尔泽(Michael Walzer)的政治哲学相似,尽管沃尔泽(Walzer)的早期工作对北爱尔兰这样深陷社会分化的问题并不敏感。英爱群岛群岛上的政治发展使北爱尔兰民族主义者和阿尔斯特工会主义者形成了不同的民族认同感。因此,他们对北爱尔兰应保留为大不列颠及北爱尔兰联合王国的一部分还是成为爱尔兰共和国的一部分的问题提供了不同的答案。北爱尔兰民族主义者由于在20世纪初被非自愿排斥在新兴的爱尔兰民族国家之外而感到受屈。阿尔斯特(Ulster)工会主义者可以分为文化工会主义者和自由工会主义者,但是这两个团体都受到被迫进入统一爱尔兰的威胁。 1998年的《贝尔法斯特协定》是整个群岛令人印象深刻的对这一系列不满和不安全感的回应。我专注于该协议的关联性和跨国方面。它不包含非法账目,但确实包含对在爱尔兰岛居住的意义的不同民族主义和工会主义解释,对民族自决原则的不同适用以及对北爱尔兰未来宪法地位的不同诉求。取决于阿尔斯特工会主义者和北爱尔兰民族主义者的未来努力,北爱尔兰可能永远保留为英国民族国家的一部分,或者可能成为爱尔兰民族国家的一部分。但是,无论哪种情况,都已经建立了跨国机构,它们非正式地削弱了两个民族国家的国家主权,以此来保护阿尔斯特联盟主义者和北爱尔兰民族主义者。

著录项

  • 作者

    Burke, Jeremiah Joseph.;

  • 作者单位

    University of California, Riverside.;

  • 授予单位 University of California, Riverside.;
  • 学科 Philosophy.; Political Science General.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2003
  • 页码 223 p.
  • 总页数 223
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 哲学理论;政治理论;
  • 关键词

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