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Mad acts, mad speech, and mad people in late imperial Chinese law and medicine.

机译:晚期中华帝国法律和医学中的疯狂行为,疯狂言论和疯狂人士。

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摘要

This dissertation attempts to explain how Chinese officials, physicians, and ordinary families construed and handled mad speech, crazy behavior, and insane people from roughly 1000 CE to the end of the Qing dynasty (1644--1911). I treat "madness" not as an entity, but as an ascribed characteristic of people, acts, and words.;Part 1 analyzes how physicians from Song (960--1279) to Qing explained and treated kuang or diankuang ("mania," "insanity"), a chiefly behavioral illness. Far from splitting mind from body, most doctors assumed that psycho-behavioral pathology supervened upon organic imbalances; they thus treated mad patients with drugs designed to correct these imbalances. As I trace how doctors came to attribute insanity to the action of inner Fire and mucus (instead of invasion by Wind or demons), I explore several key issues in Chinese medical history: what doctrinal innovations Jin-Yuan physicians (1115--1368) proposed, why the most sophisticated Ming (1368--1644) medical writers were syncretists (zhezhong ), why the "Danxi corpus"----a body of works attributed to Zhu Zhenheng (1282--1358)----dominated Ming medical thinking, and how profoundly intertextual the Chinese medical tradition was. I also study how doctors interpreted possession symptoms and postpartum insanity.;Part 2 examines Qing judicial and popular practices surrounding "madness." Legal fengbing ("madness illness") and medical kuang functioned differently because they emerged from (and were deployed within) fields of practices whose categories and concerns differed. The way legal officials handled mad acts was shaped by specific institutional concerns and procedures. In the 1660s, the new crime "killing because of madness" likened mad homicides to accidental killings. Because this crime was not punished physically, legislators soon ordered that mad people be preventively confined. Although the script by which Qing law understood mad killings hardly changed, mad homicides were sentenced increasingly severely starting in the 1750s, especially when victims were senior relatives. Yet few mad killers were executed. By contrast, ostensibly mad men whose written fantasies harnessed imperial symbols were often sentenced to death for subversion. This fear that "mad words" could threaten the symbolic fabric of the eighteenth-century Qing state sheds new light on the old topic of "literary trials" (wenziyu).
机译:本文试图解释大约从公元1000年到清朝末年(1644--1911年)中国官员,医师和普通家庭如何解释和处理疯狂的言论,疯狂的行为和疯狂的人们。我不是将“疯狂”视为实体,而是作为人,行为和言语的归因特征。;第1部分分析了从宋(960--1279)到清宫的医生如何解释和对待“狂热”或“狂狂”。 “精神错乱”),主要是行为疾病。大多数医生并没有将思想从身体中分裂出来,而是认为心理-行为病理学已取代了机体失衡。因此,他们用旨在纠正这些失衡的药物治疗了疯人病患者。当我追踪医生如何将精神错乱归因于内在的火和黏液的作用(而不是被风或恶魔入侵)时,我探索了中国医学史上的几个关键问题:金元医师(1115--1368)在教义上的创新提出,为什么最精明的明(1368--1644)医学作家是融合主义者(zhezhong),为什么“丹西语料库” ----朱振恒(1282--1358)的作品主体----占主导地位明医的思想,以及中医传统之间的渊博互通。我还研究了医生如何解释占有症状和产后精神错乱。;第二部分研究了围绕“疯狂”的清朝司法和流行做法。法律风病(“疯病”)和医疗狂药的功能有所不同,因为它们来自(并部署在)类别和关注点不同的实践领域中。法律官员处理疯狂行为的方式是由特定的机构关注和程序决定的。在1660年代,新的罪行“由于疯狂而杀人”将疯狂的凶杀比作意外杀人。由于没有对这种罪行进行肉体惩罚,立法者很快下令对疯人进行预防性禁闭。尽管清朝法律对疯狂杀人的理解几乎没有改变,但从1750年代开始,对疯狂杀人罪的判刑越来越严厉,特别是当受害者是高级亲戚时。然而,很少有疯狂的杀手被处决。相比之下,表面上看似疯狂的男子,其书面幻想利用了帝国符号,常常因颠覆而被判处死刑。担心“疯狂的话语”可能威胁到18世纪清政府的象征结构,这为“文学审判”这个古老的话题提供了新的视角(wenziyu)。

著录项

  • 作者

    Simonis, Fabien.;

  • 作者单位

    Princeton University.;

  • 授予单位 Princeton University.;
  • 学科 History European.;History of Science.;Law.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2010
  • 页码 824 p.
  • 总页数 824
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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