首页> 外文学位 >The Certificated Teachers Pay Dispute in 1973: A case study on the collective insurgency of Hong Kong teachers.
【24h】

The Certificated Teachers Pay Dispute in 1973: A case study on the collective insurgency of Hong Kong teachers.

机译:1973年获得认证的教师薪酬纠纷:以香港教师的集体叛乱为例。

获取原文
获取原文并翻译 | 示例

摘要

The "Certificated Teachers' Pay Dispute in 1973" ("the Dispute") was, historically the first collective insurgency of indigenous teachers as well as the first industrial action taken by local civil servants. Teachers from publicly funded schools successfully claimed their economic demands from the then colonial administration. Prima facie the subject matter of this study seems to be concerned only with the economic interest of a certain group of people. However, an in-depth inquiry brings to the fore its underlying political theme, i.e. the redistribution of power. Herein I use the "Political Process Model" as the theoretical framework and the "struggling for power" as the conceptual tool to operate the empirical data. This study also verifies that the Dispute was the confluence of two major political processes, namely (1) an unprecedented political opportunity provided by changes in the political structure, and (2) the change of indigenous organizational strength. The notion of "collective grievances" cannot provide a convincing explanation of the issues aforesaid.;Academically, this study's significance is two-fold. First, by way of comparative study, it proves the applicability of the "Political Process Model" to an authoritarian polity, provided that adjustment is made on the basis of the parameters proposed by Cook (1996). That is to say, political opportunity is rare in a closed political system and only arises in a particular "proximate environment" or a certain specific period of time. It is non-structural. Therefore the opportunity can only be measured by its functionality, which includes the diminution of the possibility of suppression and the access to the polity. In respect of the latter, this study ushers in the new concept of "leverage" to explain how those groups far from the core of power used their numerical strength to successfully challenge the authoritarian colonial government.;Secondly, in the process of sorting out the historical context of the insurgency, it has become apparent to me that since the end of WWII, the colonial government had been actively intervened in the education arena in order to achieve its total domination. Towards that end, the colonial government had laid down political and economic regulations in accordance with its political agenda, established a highly comparable legal and administrative framework. Supported by empirical data, this study casts serious doubt on the validity the political setting of "small government, big family" promulgated by the popular theory of "Utilitarian Familism". It further provisionally confirms that the institutional complex structured by the state together with the ideology of "meritocracy" actively crafted by it ought to be one of the causes of political stability in Hong Kong. The same also provides a plausible explanation of the political apathy of local teachers.;The Dispute was a landmark event in local trade union movement. An in-depth investigation can unearth its deep-rooted significance and thereby throw more useful light on local social change. In addition, this study exposes the excessive instrumentality of the local education institution which I think, all educators should critically examine and resist. (Abstract shortened by UMI.).
机译:历史上,“ 1973年的合格教师薪酬纠纷”(“纠纷”)是土著教师的第一起集体叛乱活动,也是当地公务员采取的第一项工业行动。来自公立学校的教师成功地从当时的殖民行政当局那里获得了他们的经济要求。表面上看,本研究的主题似乎仅与特定人群的经济利益有关。然而,深入的调查将其潜在的政治主题,即权力的重新分配,凸显出来。在这里,我以“政治过程模型”作为理论框架,以“为权力而斗争”作为概念工具来操作经验数据。这项研究还证实,争议是两个主要政治过程的融合,即(1)政治结构变化提供了前所未有的政治机会,(2)土著组织实力的变化。 “集体申诉”的概念不能为上述问题提供令人信服的解释。;从学术上讲,这项研究的意义是双重的。首先,通过比较研究,它证明了“政治过程模型”对专制政体的适用性,前提是要根据库克(Cook,1996)提出的参数进行调整。也就是说,政治机会在封闭的政治体系中是罕见的,仅在特定的“近况”或特定的特定时期内出现。它是非结构性的。因此,机会只能通过其功能来衡量,其中包括抑制可能性的降低和对政体的获取。关于后者,本研究提出了“杠杆”的新概念,以解释那些远离权力核心的集团如何利用其数字实力成功挑战威权主义的殖民政府。在叛乱的历史背景下,对我来说显而易见的是,自第二次世界大战以来,殖民政府一直积极干预教育领域,以实现其全部统治。为此,殖民政府根据其政治议程制定了政治和经济法规,建立了高度可比的法律和行政框架。在经验数据的支持下,本研究对通俗的“功利主义家族主义”所颁布的“小政府,大家庭”的政治环境的有效性提出了严重怀疑。它进一步证实,由国家构成的体制综合体以及由其积极策划的“功利主义”意识形态应该是香港政治稳定的原因之一。这也为当地教师的政治冷漠提供了合理的解释。争议是当地工会运动中的一个里程碑事件。深入的调查可以发掘其根深蒂固的意义,从而为当地的社会变革提供更多有用的启示。此外,这项研究还暴露了当地教育机构的过度工具,我认为,所有教育工作者都应批判性地加以研究和抵制。 (摘要由UMI缩短。)。

著录项

  • 作者

    Yu, Wai Ping Winnie.;

  • 作者单位

    The Chinese University of Hong Kong (Hong Kong).;

  • 授予单位 The Chinese University of Hong Kong (Hong Kong).;
  • 学科 Education Sociology of.
  • 学位 Ed.D.
  • 年度 2005
  • 页码 297 p.
  • 总页数 297
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

相似文献

  • 外文文献
  • 中文文献
  • 专利
获取原文

客服邮箱:kefu@zhangqiaokeyan.com

京公网安备:11010802029741号 ICP备案号:京ICP备15016152号-6 六维联合信息科技 (北京) 有限公司©版权所有
  • 客服微信

  • 服务号