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Achieving global competitiveness and local poverty reduction? Examining the public-private partnering model of governance in Bangalore, India.

机译:实现全球竞争力和地方减贫?研究印度班加罗尔的公共-私营合作伙伴治理模式。

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This dissertation explores how changing global economic and political forces have driven the constitution of new public-private institutional arrangements for governance locally and their implications for urban development in general, and local democracy in particular. The literature on public-private partnerships (PPPs) is characterized by polarization between instrumentalist views on PPPs and a more inclusive social betterment perspective, a tendency to study PPPs as growth coalitions isolated from larger structural forces, and the elision of the role of the subnational/local state. Relying on a case study of a PPP involved in more than 50 infrastructure, beautification and planning projects in Bangalore, India, I argue for understanding PPPs as "local neoliberalisms" constructed by local state and corporate actors in response to larger neoliberal forces. Local neoliberalisms are shaped by the institutional form and strategy of particular PPPs as well as local responses to them. Further, I argue that PPPs introduce a new partnering approach to governance that involves coalition-style politics, networking, and collective visioning that clearly benefits some groups over others.; I used two main methods to test these hypotheses: trend analysis to understand the new settings within which policymaking and planning is taking place in cities, and a discourse analysis tracing the rise and fall of the case study PPP through interviews, narratives, documentation, and media representations.; I find that through its projects and discourse of middle class modernization the PPP focused on achieving global competitiveness that benefited the middle classes at the expense of poor groups. This garnered counter discourses from affected groups, a conflict-ridden process that resulted in the PPP's demise. This suggests that if PPPs utilizing market principles are to benefit marginalized populations besides the already rich and the 'new rich', there is need for greater deliberation on the role and redistributive function of PPPs, a shift from technocracy to engagement with the political environment, and planning for "illegal" people living in "informal" areas of the city. My findings highlight a crucial role for subnational states in mediating between and selecting certain interests over others and the imperative for 'modernization' that includes poor groups.
机译:本文探讨了不断变化的全球经济和政治力量如何推动新的公私机构安排在地方治理中的构成,以及它们对整个城市发展,特别是地方民主的影响。关于公私伙伴关系(PPP)的文献的特征是工具主义的PPP观点与更具包容性的社会改善观点之间存在两极分化,有研究将PPPs视为与更大的结构力量隔离开来的增长联盟的趋势,并且忽略了地方政府/本地状态。我基于对一个涉及印度班加罗尔50多个基础设施,美化和规划项目的PPP的案例研究,我主张将PPP理解为由地方政府和企业参与者为响应更大的新自由主义力量而建立的“地方新自由主义”。地方新自由主义的形成取决于特定PPP的制度形式和策略以及地方对它们的回应。此外,我认为PPP引入了一种新的合作伙伴关系治理方法,其中涉及联盟式的政治,网络和集体愿景,这显然使某些群体受益于其他群体。我使用两种主要方法来检验这些假设:趋势分析以了解城市中制定政策和进行规划的新环境,语篇分析通过访谈,叙述,文档和案例来追踪案例研究PPP的兴衰。媒体代表。我发现,通过其项目和中产阶级现代化的论述,PPP致力于实现全球竞争力,从而使中产阶级受益,而贫困群体却为此付出了代价。这引起了受影响群体的反对,这是一个充满冲突的过程,导致PPP的灭亡。这表明,如果利用市场原则的PPP除了使已经富裕的人和“新富人”受益于边缘化人口,就需要对PPP的作用和再分配功能进行更多的审议,即从技术专制向参与政治环境的转变,并为居住在城市“非正式”地区的“非法”人群进行规划。我的发现凸显了地方政府在中间利益与其他利益之间的调停和选择中的关键作用,以及包括贫困群体在内的“现代化”势在必行。

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